An interview with Goldman Prize-winning activist
Stephanie Roth
The Ecologist, June 2005
Rome hadn't witnessed anything like it for years.
It was 106AD, and the Emperor Trajan, fresh from
his latest conquests north of the Danube, was
staging a vast celebration in Rome's Circus Maximus.
Almost 350,000 people would witness 10,000 gladiators
and 11,000 animals battling through 123 consecutive
days of gladiatorial combat. To accompany the
games, the Emperor was erecting new buildings
and public works across the city.
Trajan had reason to celebrate. His recent conquests
had extended the Roman empire to its greatest
ever extent. The troublesome Dacian people, who
inhabited the land now known as Romania, had been
crushed. And, if the rumours running around the
city were to be believed, the Emperor was paying
for the city's extravagant celebrations with gold
he had taken from the dead Dacian king Decebalus;
gold that had come from a wealthy mining region
called Alburnus Maior, which now belonged to Rome.
Almost two thousand years later, in the early
21st century, a Romanian entrepreneur named Frank
Timis arrived in Alburnus Maior. Timis was a convicted
heroin dealer with a string of failed businesses
behind him, who had emigrated to Australia years
before. Now he was back, at the head of a new
multinational company he had created called Gabriel
Resources. Despite having no mining experience,
Timis was determined to extract the vast reserves
of gold which, despite almost constant mining
since Trajan's day, still lay under the Romanian
mountains in Alburnus Maior - known these days
as Rosia Montana.
The gold deposits under Rosia Montana are the
biggest anywhere in Europe. Like the Emperor,
Timis knew that vast profits were to be had if
he were to succeed in exploiting them. Like the
Emperor, he had dreams of conquest. Unlike the
Emperor, he was about to meet his match.
Stephanie Roth has explained why Frank Timis's
proposed mine is such a disaster hundreds of times,
but when I ask her now she does so again with
good humour and passion. She's going to have to
get used to it. Roth, previously Campaigns Editor
of The Ecologist and for the last three years
the guiding light behind the campaign to defeat
Timis's proposed mine, has just been awarded the
Goldman Environmental Prize - the closest the
green movement has to a Nobel award.
'Well', she says, 'it is a uniquely destructive
proposal. Here we have a very sleepy valley, populated
by farmers and people going about their own business.
Beautiful place, small communities, traditional
life. You also have very special archaeology -Roman
mine workings, a mausoleum, temples, the remains
of a great Roman civilisation. And what Gabriel
want to do is build an open cast mine. This means
basically you blow up mountains, take away the
rock in trucks and then use cyanide to extract
gold from it. You're left with an extremely toxic
sludge, laced with cyanide and mercury and other
poisons. This is then dumped into a tailing pond
- essentially a lake of poison which will cover
hundreds of hectares of this valley.' She frowns.
'They propose to do this', she says, 'in a place
where 2000 people live. And you know something
else? The whole area is protected by law! So why
is the government allowing this to happen? You
tell me. Locals are suing them at the moment.
Maybe we'll find out.'
The story of what Gabriel Resources plans to do
to the small, rural communities of Rosia Montana
is indeed chilling. The open-cast gold mine they
plan to build will destroy the homes of around
2000 people - 730 houses, 138 flats and 16,000
hectares of agricultural land will go. As well
as destroying or damaging some of the most remarkable
Roman ruins in Europe, it will also trash 10 churches
and 9 ancient cemeteries.
The poisonous sludge that results from the corporation's
attempt to extract 500,000 ounces of gold from
the mine over its proposed 16-year life will form
an up to 600-hectare cyanide storage pond, held
up by a 185-metre high dam. The poisonous lake
will drown a nearby village and threatens to pollute
the drinking water of 100,000 people.
More remarkable than this though is the story
of what Stephanie and the community around Rosia
Montana have done to fight it. It is this battle
that has brought her the Goldman Prize and it
has been given to her for organising the campaign
to save Rosia Montana.
She ended up in Rosia Montana, she explains, almost
by accident.
'I was working out my notice at The Ecologist
back in 2001,' she says, 'and one day I read some
documents about a planned Dracula theme park in
Transylvania that a company was planning to build
near the medieval town of Sigishoara and it sounded
horrendous to me. I contacted the people who were
campaigning against it, and I asked them, hey
would you mind if I come along as a volunteer?
And they said no. and so I ended up in Romania.
We managed to stop them building the park, and
we had a lot of fun doing it Romania is quite
a serious country, and people aren't used to campaigning
in a humorous way. For such a long time they were
under a dictatorship with a secret police - there
still is a secret police, which harasses campaigners.
But I think what I did for that campaign was introduce
the fun factor. We sent garlic gloves and Dracula
postcards to the ministry of tourism
things
like that. And that liberated a lot of people,
I think.'
Fresh from her victory seeing off the Dracula
park, which would have destroyed an ancient oak
woodland and a medieval citadel, she was kicking
about in Sigishoara wondering what to do next
when she met a journalist, who had come to cover
the theme park story.
'He told me he had just come from a place called
Rosia Montana, and he had found a story no-one
else had written about. A mining company was proposing
a huge mine, 2000 people would have to be moved,
and he said, you should go and have a look. So
the next weekend I packed my bags and I hitchhiked
to Rosia Montana. I met the local opposition,
we had a chat, we spent a whole day together,
they explained the project to me and why they
opposed it. And I thought that they made a lot
of sense but given the mining company's power,
they needed unprecedented support.'
Support was exactly what they got - and a friend
who turned out to be one of the most effective
campaigners in Europe. Gabriel Resources, up to
that point, had assumed its mining project was
a shoo-in. It seemed to have everyone from the
local council to the Ministry of Culture in its
pocket. At that time the only opposition came
from a group of local residents and farmers with
little experience of fighting anything so big,
ruthless and international. From this unpromising
clay, the campaign to save Rosia Montana has been
moulded into the biggest civil society movement
in Romania, and one of the most effective environmental
campaigns in Europe.
'You have to see this in the context of globalisation,
and of Romania's forthcoming entry into the European
Union, she explains. 'At the moment, the Romanian
government is selling off everything it can. There's
a small state-owned mine in Rosia Montana at the
moment, and the government has to close it, because
EU entry means it can no longer give it state
subsidies. Now, the government has a responsibility
to close it and do an environmental rehabilitation.
Instead of doing this though, they decided to
privatise it - to hand the land to Gabriel. For
them this is a win win situation. They can sell
it off, save money, and sell off also the responsibility.
And instead of closing the mine and cleaning up
the area, they are selling it to a company which
plans to instead build a mine which is fifty times
larger.'
If the company, and the reason for its activities,
were global, she decided, the opposition had to
be too.
'The first thing we had to do' she explains, 'was
make the campaign international - get it into
the English language so the world could read about
it. We set up a website, got press releases going,
started to explain what people could do to help
us. We also needed make alliances within Romania.
In summer 2002, we organised together with an
NGO from Bucharest a one-day public meeting in
Rosia Montana, we invited fifty Romanian NGOs
to come and find out what was going on. We started
a national working group to fight this project.
Outside Romania I got in contact with Greenpeace,
and they came to Rosia Montana and made a commitment
to help us. We talked to NGOs in Canada, where
the mining company is based, and slowly the opposition
began to grow.'
The company and the government, though, were not
going to take any of this lying down. As Roth
and her growing band of campaigners worked to
expose them, they were working equally hard to
push the project forward. The Romanian Ministry
of Culture, in particular, which was supposedly
responsible for safeguarding the unique archaeology
of Rosia Montana, seemed more interested in ensuring
that Gabriel Resources got its mine working in
time.
'The Ministry of Culture are crooks,' snorts Stephanie.
'For the last few years the mining company has
been carrying out archaeological excavations,
which it has to do by law. But they only excavate
in areas which are archaeologically not important,
and then they ask for the de-protection of huge
areas, on this basis. And because the company
is so influential, the Ministry of Culture gives
them these de-listing permits.' But again, they
didn't reckon with the 'Gabriel Resource Rebels'.
'We challenged these de-listing certificates in
court,' she explains, 'and just recently we won
a major victory on a very important protected
area, which has been re-protected. Unfortunately
for the company this is the mountain that contains
the largest amount of gold - but it also contains
really important archaeological treasures. Without
this mountain, the mine project is dead.' She
grins at the prospect.
Nevertheless, I say - surely even now, the economic
interests are work are hugely powerful. It's gold
and vast profits versus you and some farmers.
Can you really win?
'But', she say, 'the farmers are not just farmers
- they are also property owners who are refusing
to sell their properties to the company, which
needs them for the project to go ahead. Plus for
the first time in Romanian history, all Romania's
different churches have united behind us and against
the mining project. The churches also own a lot
of property in Rosia Montana, and they have refused
to sell any of it to the company. And because
it's a private project not a public one, the land
can't be forcibly expropriated. Without this land,
there can be no mine.
'And you know, there are just more and more reasons
piling up why this mine cannot ever happen. For
example, Romania is desperate to join the EU.
But just last year the European Parliament, which
had been monitoring the project, passed a resolution
warning the Romanian government that the mine
poses a serious environmental threat to the whole
region. So Romania's accession will be conditional
on the Rosia Montana project. I think this all
adds up to one thing - Gabriel Resources is dead
in the water. This mine can never happen. There
is just too much opposition.'
Gabriel, though, is not giving up that easily.
Nor are the mine's supporters, many of whom stand
to profit heavily from it. And when legal methods
don't work, they are happy to resort to more underhand
- and dangerous - tactics, as Stephanie has become
grimly aware.
'I couldn't care less about threats', she asserts.
'You might get a miner coming to you and saying
"if I lose my job because of you I'm going
to cut your throat." It happens. The company
itself doesn't threaten you, of course. It doesn't
need to, it can mobilise the local miners to do
it instead. Let me give you an example. Two days
ago the mining company held a meeting in Rosia
Montana and the managing director said to their
employees and local miners "we can't give
you any jobs this year, or buy you any houses
or do anything for you. We have to concentrate
on the opposition. We have to invest all our money
in fighting them." He said to the miners,
if I was you I'd stand up for my rights, and I'd
act now to protect my jobs. And the very next
day one of my colleagues was attacked by one of
the miners who had attended this meeting. The
mining company is the moral author of that attack.
It was very convenient for them - they don't need
to get their own knives out. Others do it for
them.'
Stephanie herself was the victim of such an attack
last year. She tells the story matter-of-factly,
although she knows very well that she is lucky
to be alive.
'There is a valley' she says, 'where they want
to put the tailing ponds, and I was physically
attacked there by one of the town's councillors.
It was violent. He was very strong. I was lucky,
because my reaction was to cry out, and a young
lad I knew was nearby and he came in and he saved
my life.'
It makes you wonder why she does it. Romania is
not her home country, and yet for three years
she has dedicated every waking hour, at great
personal risk, to saving its community from destruction.
Why did she go on way beyond the point where most
of us would have given up? She considers the question.
'I don't know
' she says. 'It's about doing
the things you believe in. It's wonderful to find
what you believe in; to find what you are looking
for; to find 'meaning'. I found it in Rosia Montana.
The members of the local opposition don't want
to give up their land, because to them their land
is the true gold. They are my friends and they
are my family, and they are fighting for their
lives and their survival. And if laws on environmental
protection mean anything, if property rights mean
anything, if laws on the use of cyanide mean anything,
then this project simply can not go ahead.
But you know what makes me happiest? It's when
I see the farmers of Rosia Montana giving the
finger to the mining company. In a way the campaign
has made them also aware of their rights and has
liberated them. They've been told to shut up for
so many years, but they're not shutting up any
more, and seeing that is the best prize of all.'
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