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From the Streets of
Prague
An on-the-ground report from the World Bank/IMF protests
of 2000
OneWorld online, September 2000
Signing in to the annual meetings of the IMF and the
World Bank this week, delegates were given a 'goody
bag' provided by the organisers. It contained, amongst
other things, two CDs of Czech classical music, emblazoned
with World Bank logos, a calendar (feelgood black and
white shots of Charles Bridge and Prague castle; no
mentions of structural adjustment), brochures about
the Czech Republic, paeans to globalisation penned by
Czech president Valcav Havel, and invitations to dinners
hosted by multinational corporations.
Also in the bag was a small slip of paper, entitled
'personal safety and security tips'. Advice given to
delegates by the Bank and the IMF included 'do not wear
your annual meetings badge in public,' 'avoid demonstration
sites,' and do not 'display jewelery or wear ostentatious
clothing such as furs.' Most interesting of all, though,
was one telling line, which seems to have been followed
to the letter: 'do not engage in debates with demonstrators.'
This sums up well the vast gulf between the various
'sides' in Prague this week. On the streets were some
20,000 demonstrators, with concerns as diverse as Third
World debt, climate change, poverty, indigenous rights,
democracy, biodiversity and the democratic process.
Convinced of the righteousness of their cause, most
wanted the World Bank and the IMF shut down once and
for all. Meanwhile, inside the conference centre, ringed
by riot police with water cannons and armoured cars,
hundreds of delegates, ministers and officials went
about their business shaping the next phase of globalisation.
Many, like the World Bank's President James Wolfensohn,
also seemed to genuinely believe that the process they
were engaged in was the best way to help the poor and
protect the global environment. Between the two sides
there was virtually no communication. And down in the
press room and on the streets were hundreds of journalists,
most of whom managed to almost entirely miss the point
of what was going on. This lack of communication epitomised
what happened in Prague.
On the streets, up to 20,000 people from across Europe
and, to a lesser extent, the rest of the world, mobilised
on Tuesday 26th for a mass day of action to highlight
their charges that the Bank and the IMF entrench, rather
than relieve, poverty, and that their policies are creating
a global hegemony of multinational companies, destroying
democracy and degrading the global environment. The
protesters were a loose coalition, often united by little
but their opposition to the current model of economic
globalisation. On the streets you could find anarchists,
socialists, communists, indigenous peoples from countries
as diverse as India, Kenya and Brazil, debt relief campaigners,
development economists, lawyers, a smattering of unwelcome
neo-Nazis and a handful of black-hooded rioters intent
on destruction - who have since been elevated by the
media into the stars of the show.
In fact, the protests were characterised by largely
peaceful, if tense, marches and confrontations. It was
far more common to see people throwing balloons and
flowers at the police than rocks or bottles. Meanwhile,
inside the conference centre, delegates and ministerial
representatives were confused. James Wolfensohn, the
World Bank's president, made conciliatory noises, saying
on Tuesday morning that the protesters were "asking
legitimate questions" about the role of the World
Bank and the IMF in creating or alleviating poverty,
and that he well understood their grievances. He also
conceded that the Bank and the IMF had "a lot to
learn" about poverty alleviation. Horst Koehler,
the Managing Director of the IMF, also made it clear
that he was "aware of the critical debate about
globalisation." Others were less sure what the
protests were about. South African finance minister
and conference chair Trevor Manuel said of the protesters:
"I know what they're against but I have no sense
of what they're for."
His view was shared by many delegates, whose reaction
to the demonstrations - which for the most part they
only saw on television - was characterised by a mixture
of fear and dismissiveness. To some extent, this was
the protesters' problem. The system they sought to query
is so vast and complex that it was difficult to find
amongst them much coherent analysis of what can be done
about the problems they highlighted. This was compounded
by the fact that many of the world's 'blue chip' NGOs
- those with global reputations and funding to match
- were not on the streets talking to the press, but
were inside the conference centre itself, struggling
to maintain their place at the table with the Bank and
the IMF. It was not uncommon to hear protestors on the
streets, suffering the effects of tear gas and baton
charges, talking of how such NGOs had 'betrayed' them.
Meanwhile, much of the media reacted to the protests
by misrepresenting them. Newspapers and TV reports of
'anarchist riots', 'warzones' and protests 'descending
into chaos' were accompanied by stock pictures of black-hooded
demonstrators throwing rocks at police through clouds
of tear gas. Despite the fact that the violence was
localised and perpetrated only by a minority, much of
the media treated all the protesters as if they wore
black hoods. The Prague-based campaign group which coordinated
the protests, Inpeg, was quick to point this out, and
to make it clear that the violence was both unrepresentative
and unwelcome - but to little avail.
But this media reaction, in some ways, was also a function
of the bunker mentality that existed in Prague. Many
of the journalists spent most of their time in the basement
press room inside the conference centre itself, watching
reports of the protests outside live on CNN. As such,
they mostly failed in what should have been their role
- explaining to the world what the protests were actually
about, and the issues behind them. Above them in the
conference hall, as the high priests of globalisation
pressed on with their project, the media's failure of
understanding was not the only one in Prague.
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